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US4CC
United States Fourth Continental Congress

National Archives; Washington D.C., December 1952
General Procedures for 
Organizing the
National Conversation

US4CC.greeting.18.03 beta

Act 0: Preamble

Article 000: greeting

People of the United States of America:

US4CC.format.18.02.pdf 
The intention of this publication is to commence the deliberations for a formatted chartering system for the United States with the introduction to the general and corrective aspects of such a system that has been developed for the more accurate approach to a limited and transparent government, a graduated electoral system, and ultimately, the Order of Justice.

The United States Fourth Continental Congress, as organized by this charter system, will be subsequent to the reordering of the municipal and state charters of at least thirteen states.


Because charter conventions are certain to be the focus of attention; the municipal, and the state conventions, will serve as the graduation venues for issues of the national conversation. The exercise will compile the best ideas for legislative enactment upon the commencement of the anticipated government. The anticipated government will be more trustworthy, because of the participation and contributions of the sophisticated and diverse people that the founders could not gather in 1787.

This greeting article is divided into six introductory sections:


§ 000.1: introduction to the general problems with the subsisting charter system
§ 000.2: corrective aspects of the anticipated system
§ 000.3: municipal conventions
§ 000.4: state conventions
§ 000.5: federal conventions
§ 000.6: transition security


§ 000.1: Introduction

Competent review of any of the contemporary charters that comprise our three levels of government will reveal that the charters are inconsistently organized and contain rambling passages that, consequently, explain why other nations cannot replicate the governing system that we know and trust, and illustrates how our sophist legal practitioners exploit its ambiguous terms and obscure inadequacies.

Corruption is ultimately symptomatic of an inadequate separation and coordination of the government powers. Perpetual corruption is not symptomatic of nefarious persons manipulating an altruistically just governing system; but rather, it is symptomatic of nefarious persons manipulating a perpetually faulty system. The only way to correct the establishment (change Washington, drain the swamp) will require a complete overhaul of the rules that organize and guide the establishment. The proper procedure, for what will be a peaceful revolution, is an orderly and public convention-court system processing a published charter candidate to reorder the organization of the government. Improved office qualification descriptions, term limits, and the various proposed amendment systems will not lead to the orderly government that their advocates campaign.

Office qualifications will only be reliable after a complete overhaul to assign the correct qualification scheme to the entire office system. Office qualifications for the president are not going to fix the problems in the legislatures, the courts, and the bureaucracy that lead us to question the competency of the president – all government offices will have to be adjusted.

Term limits is a false correction based on the assumption that corruption is borne of senior elitism and that naive politicians are compelled to do a couple of campaign circuses of promises to diverse constituencies, do an honest job of fulfilling all of those conflicting promises, and then step away from the economic engine that they were developing to allow someone else to supposedly do an equally honest job – it just does not make sense. Our experience with term limits on the presidential office has revealed the problem of partisan layover of bureaucrats subverting the succeeding administration; and we might recognize that the national party convention system has been adjusted to provide some accommodation to the layover personnel who are removed by the succeeding administration. There are eventual problems with term limits that will adversely effect the anticipated correction, compared to recognizing the many problems, and correcting the entire government.

Multi-amendment systems will not work either, because our subsisting charters are dedicated to an inefficient electoral system, an inadequate bicameral legislature, a crony executive administration and judiciary, and muddled in an unformatted system of erroneous modifications from bygone eras of sophistication. Consequently, the charters cannot be corrected to properly administer justice that we envision for the approach to social justice and diverse tranquility. Previous generations did not know how to reorder the charters, because of a lack of technology, man power, and the legendary theory that an amendable charter would tend to lead to its proper corrections. Although, the general aspect of this theory appears to be valid; the amendments necessary for the proper division of a limited government, necessary for the self-correcting function to work, cannot be composed with the unformatted and antiquated electoral and bureaucratic systems prescribed in the subsisting charters.

The incomplete game theory of “checks and balances” are “hardwired” by the outline of the charters (table of contents), and the elimination of the exploitable inadequacies cannot be accomplished without reordering the acts, articles, and sections of the charters into a reliable order necessary for the cross-referencing of the balance of powers and the responsibilities of the legislatures, security divisions, offices, and courts – the “grid,” in “political gridlock.”

At best, under the subsisting charter system, the approach to eliminating corruption and legislative gridlock will require a complex system of reconstruction amendments in the three levels of government, and will still be inadequate, because of the convoluted terms necessary for adapting “circular pegs for square holes on a tic-tac-toe table, instead of a more sophisticated checker board.”

Systemic biases can only be exercised by auditing the reliability of the governments; but the problem is that a charter format is needed for the audit, and that can only be accomplished by the generation of a reliable format at a convention. If there were such a format, then all of the state constitutions would be aligned with the format, and the State Department would be trading it with the under-developed nations.

The Seventeenth Amendment to the United States Constitution diluted the “checks and balances” that are supposed to entice correcting the state governing systems by preventing chaotic state governments from participating in federal legislation. The problem was that by the time the state legislatures became overwhelmed in their contradictory political factions, preventing them from appointing senate seats, there was no solution to the state government problem (better form of government); and so, the only seemingly solution was the Seventeenth Amendment of state-wide popular election of federal senators. The system is mediocre, and it is not that difficult to recognize the intentions of the original electoral/legislative graduation system – the problem being the lack of appropriate technology to correct the state charters.

. . . And, then there is the gerrymandering of representative districts, instead of better proportional elections; and then, the limiting of House seats to 435 was a detrimental rerouting of the founder’s intentions to represent social diversity. The original design was flawed, because of the primitive communications that they had to work with in 1787. If they had what we have today, then they would have organized a network of the municipalities for the House of Representatives.

The subsisting system is an irregular operation and needs to be replaced with contemporary goals, terminology, and detail, for the more sophisticated and diverse society that the nation has evolved to. Anything other than a complete overhaul of the charter system maintains corruption and gridlock, and the subsequent trickle down affects of hypocrisy and the irrational deliberation of the political and social issues that lead to hysteria, crime, and violence.

Arguments to the favor of maintaining the subsisting system will be a waste of court time, professional effort, and tax money. Arguments intended to correct any errors in the grievances will be categorized and considered for deliberation in the preparation of the anticipated charter.


§ 000.2: the system

The United States Fourth Continental Congress is also, most likely, the adequate guide for the future transition to a true democracy using election robots to compile the voting. It will not be possible to defend the subsisting charter system as being adequate to achieve such an ambition. Ultimately, we have to organize the perfectly efficient human representative governing system that will competently administrate justice before we have the ability to order a true democracy.

The United States Fourth Continental Congress (US4CC) is designed with a reliable collation format to efficiently organize a six-part separation of the government and all of the possible details that political whiners, altruistic lawyers, and brilliant citizens, may contest. This format will make the charters more orderly for the average citizens to understand, and detrimental to the nefarious legal practitioners who exploit the ambiguous, chaotic, superfluous, or otherwise, inadequate aspects of the subsisting charters and legal code systems.

The designations of the assemblies, officers, offices, and departments, are elements that are salvageable and applied to an improved system. The president will be the president, the governors will be the governors, and the mayors will be the mayors; although with less powers and perks, because of the redistribution of the powers. Most notably, the appointment of crony bureaucrats will, essentially, be eliminated, because the powers are redistributed to the leadership of the four legislatures, which are assigned specific areas of law and security divisions to supervise. Therefore, the change in leadership will primarily only effect a section of the security division. Because of the more accurate operations structure, politics will be more local, than the more stable state and federal systems.

As mentioned, the most noticeable adjustment deployed by the US4CC will be the sophisticated state and federal organization of four legislative assemblies assigned to guard respective four partitions of civil law, and subsequently, the correlating security divisions. This system will be much more sophisticated than the subsisting bicameral congress of ambiguous legislative powers and inconsistent committees. In the anticipated congress, there will be a senate consisting of state jurists - the best legal scholars the states can commission to do the job of deliberating the legislative and appeals litigation of the three other legislative bodies. Their unique legislative powers will be the assignment of ambassador billets, which will most likely be bilingual candidates from the jurist pool. The board of governors will be responsible for commerce legislation, and the flow of supreme court appeals. The league of attorneys will be responsible for supreme court litigation assignments, fiduciary legislation, and subsequently, the treasury's forensic offices. Property legislation, and the interior, will be the responsibility of the network of representatives; and will include some responsibilities that were mercifully, if not erroneously, assigned to other security departments in the subsisting system.

The implementation of the improved and reliable communications network that we have today, that they did not have when the subsisting system was established, will be better noticed with the federal and state representatives who will be members of the municipal councils, and they will be working in their local districts more than that of the central governments.

The US4CC template orders charters into seven acts of convention, including this preamble (Act 0: preamble). The preamble is more than a greeting and mission statement - it groups a robust series of introductory articles detailing the identity of the district. Articles 001 through Article 006, and subsections, are descriptions of the state of the district. Essentially, this is the area for listing grievances. The state of the district is recorded for future evaluations, so as, to determine if the adopted charter has correctly served the district’s intentions.

Articles 010 through Article 016 describe the corrective intentions of the charter. The articles cover the descriptions of the convention, the subsequent government operations, civil rights, electoral system, finance system, and documentation system.

Articles 020 through Article 026 format a six-court convention and presumptive adoption schedule. The convention is a test run of the legislative system, as the delegates are charged with improving and detailing the seven acts of the convention document to an acceptable level of detail necessary for the orderly transition of the subsequent government. There will be a validation assembly signifying that the convention has competently improved the charter for serviceability and that the delegates are prepared to campaign the charter valedictorian for a public referendum and subsequent inauguration sequence.

Articles 030 through Article 036 define the designations for the district.
Articles 040 through Article 046 define the missions for the district.
Articles 050 through Article 056 define the citizenry for the district.
Articles 060 through Article 066 define the commemorations for the district.

There are no articles with numerals 7, 8, or 9, because a base 7 outline style guide is deployed for the primary ordering of the charter. This has to do with the collation theory that is exercised in the ordering of the legal code. This will be further explained in Article 016: description of the documentation act.

This format template is not to be considered complete, or free from errors. All aspects of this template are negotiable, and it is the responsibility of the convention process to stabilize any derivative document to serviceability for the intended entity.